Verisoph story dossier
The permanent alliance of the armed forces, the arms industry, and their patrons in Congress that Eisenhower named and warned against, and the American-led order it underwrites...
The permanent alliance of the armed forces, the arms industry, and their patrons in Congress that Eisenhower named and warned against, and the American-led order it underwrites: from the 1947 National Security Act and NSC-68 through the iron triangle to the network of bases and the reserve-currency dollar.
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From 1945 the United States underwrites a global order it leads: a worldwide network of military bases, the dollar as the world's reserve currency, and a web of alliances from NATO to Japan. Pax Americana is the standard term for this American-kept peace, the geopolitical counterpart of the military-industrial complex.
The National Security Act creates the modern American security establishment: the Department of Defense, the CIA, the National Security Council, and the Air Force. It lays the institutional foundation of the permanent military and intelligence apparatus.
Across the decades US military spending stays high and mostly grows, reaching several hundred billion dollars a year and, by the 2020s, roughly matching the next several nations combined. The scale is the concrete measure of the machinery Eisenhower warned would be hard to restrain.
The classified policy paper NSC-68 calls for a huge, sustained peacetime military buildup to contain the Soviet Union. It becomes the template for decades of high defense spending and the permanent war economy.
After 1945 the United States never returns to a peacetime economy in the old sense: a large standing arms industry, steady military budgets, and whole regions dependent on defense work become permanent. The economist Seymour Melman later named this the permanent war economy and argued it drained civilian industry.
Early in his presidency Eisenhower delivers 'The Chance for Peace' address, warning that every gun made and every warship launched is a theft from the hungry and the cold. Eight years before his farewell warning, he frames the arms race itself as a cost paid by ordinary people.
The sociologist C. Wright Mills publishes The Power Elite, arguing that a small interlocking group at the top of the military, corporate, and political worlds makes the country's major decisions. His account gives an early academic frame for the concerns Eisenhower would raise five years later.
In the late 1950s and the 1960 campaign, politicians warned of a 'missile gap' in which the Soviets supposedly outbuilt American nuclear forces. Eisenhower doubted it, and U-2 and satellite intelligence soon showed the United States was ahead, not behind. A documented case of a threat claim that outran the evidence while driving weapons spending.
also in Anatomy of a superpower: the American state, The military as an idea: violence, the state, and society
In his farewell address President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned against the unchecked power of a joined arms industry and military establishment. The phrase military-industrial complex entered lasting political debate.
Firms like Lockheed grow into vast defense contractors living largely on government orders, and consolidation shrinks the field. Lockheed merges with Martin Marietta in 1995 to form Lockheed Martin, one of a handful of giants that dominate American weapons production.
The self-reinforcing relationship Eisenhower warned of takes durable shape: defense contractors, the Pentagon, and the congressional committees that fund them, bound by lobbying, campaign money, and a revolving door of personnel between industry and government. Documented as the iron triangle of defense policy.
A reported attack on US destroyers, later shown to have been misreported, is used to pass the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution and escalate the Vietnam War. A documented case of a thin pretext driving a major expansion of military commitment.
The sustained bombing campaign Operation Rolling Thunder begins, and the first large US combat units land in Vietnam. Within a few years the American commitment grows to more than half a million troops, the war the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution had opened the door to.
A lineage of huge, long-running weapons programs runs from the B-1 bomber of the 1980s to the F-35 fighter, whose lifetime cost is estimated in the trillions of dollars. These flagship contracts, spread across many states and suppliers, show how a single program becomes an economic and political institution.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union the United States stands as the sole superpower, a condition the commentator Charles Krauthammer named the unipolar moment. American primacy becomes explicit policy across both parties.
Neoconservatives found the Project for the New American Century to argue for American global primacy and higher military spending. Its members later filled key posts in the Bush administration, and its 2000 report Rebuilding America's Defenses is often cited by critics for a line about a catastrophic 'new Pearl Harbor' speeding change, which conspiracy theories link to 9/11. The think tank and its members are documented; the foreknowledge reading is not established.
The war in Afghanistan runs for nearly twenty years, the longest in American history, and ends in a chaotic withdrawal as the Taliban retake the country. It becomes the emblem of the forever wars, immense in cost and inconclusive in result.
The September 11 attacks launch a 'global war on terror' with no clear end point, fought across Afghanistan, Iraq, and many other countries. Critics on both left and right come to call these the 'forever wars,' arguing that open-ended conflict became a self-sustaining condition of American policy.
also in Anatomy of a superpower: the American state
Days after the September 11 attacks Congress authorized force against those responsible and those who harbored them. The broad wording became the legal basis for a long global campaign.
The 2003 Iraq War brings a surge of military contracting, including no-bid contracts to firms like Halliburton, whose former CEO was the sitting vice president. The war becomes a much-cited modern example of the profit interests entangled with the decision to fight.